But African societies are exposed to especially severe pressures, and governments must operate in an environment of high social demands and limited resources and capacity with which to meet them. Freedom Houses ratings see a pattern of decline since 2005 and note that 10 out of 25 countries (worldwide) with declining ratings are in Africa. One is the controversy over what constitutes traditional institutions and if the African institutions referred to as traditional in this inquiry are truly indigenous traditions, since colonialism as well as the postcolonial state have altered them notably, as Zack-Williams (2002) and Kilson (1966) observe. There is also the question of inclusion of specific demographic cohorts: women, youth, and migrants from rural to urban areas (including migrant women) all face issues of exclusion that can have an impact on conflict and governance. It is also highly unlikely that such broader aspects of traditional institutions can be eliminated without transforming the traditional modes of production that foster them. African governance trends were transformed by the geopolitical changes that came with the end of the Cold War. They include: Monarchs (absolute or constitutional): While the colonial state reduced most African kings to chiefs, a few survived as monarchs. While this seems obvious, it is less clear what vectors and drivers will have the most weight in shaping that outcome. The traditional African religions (or traditional beliefs and practices of African people) are a set of highly diverse beliefs that include various ethnic religions . Traditional leaders would also be able to use local governance as a platform for exerting some influence on national policymaking. The essay concludes with a sobering reflection on the challenge of achieving resilient governance. The purpose is to stress that such efforts and the attendant will Somalilands strategy has brought traditional leaders into an active role in the countrys formal governance by creating an upper house in parliament, the Guurti, where traditional leaders exercise the power of approving all bills drafted by the lower house of parliament. This chapter examines traditional leadership within the context of the emerging constitutional democracy in Ghana. In other cases, however, they survived as paid civil servants of the state without displacing the traditional elder-based traditional authority systems. However, the winner takes all system in the individual states is a democracy type of voting system, as the minority gets none of the electoral college votes. The fourth part draws a conclusion with a tentative proposal on how the traditional institutions might be reconciled with the formal institutions to address the problem of institutional incoherence. Others choose the traditional institutions, for example, in settling disputes because of lower transactional costs. . On the opposite side are the decentralized systems, led by a council of elders, that command little formal power. Strictly speaking, Ghana was the title of the King, but the Arabs, who left records . Institutional dichotomy also seems to be a characteristic of transitional societies, which are between modes of production. Traditional leadership in South Africa pre-existed both the colonial and apartheid systems of governance and was the main known system of governance amongst indigenous people. Oftentimes, however, they contradict each other, creating problems associated with institutional incoherence. Careful analysis suggests that African traditional institutions lie in a continuum between the highly decentralized to the centralized systems and they all have resource allocation practices, conflict resolution, judicial systems, and decision-making practices, which are distinct from those of the state. There are several types of government that are traditionally instituted around the world. But it also reflects the impact of Arab, Russian, Chinese, Indian, European and U.S. vectors of influence which project their differences into African societies. 79 (3), (1995) pp. Political leaders everywhere face competing demands in this regard. In addition, they have traditional institutions of governance of various national entities, including those surrounding the Asantehene of the Ashanti in Ghana and the Kabaka of the Buganda in Uganda. Despite apparent differences, the strategies of the three countries have some common features as well that may inform other counties about the measures institutional reconciliation may entail. However, the traditional modes of production and the institutional systems associated with them also remain entrenched among large segments of the population. The role of traditional leaders in modern Africa, especially in modern African democracies, is complex and multifaceted. The customary structures of governance of traditional leadership were put aside or transformed. On the one side, there are the centralized systems where leaders command near absolute power. Some regimes seem resilient because of their apparent staying power but actually have a narrow base of (typically ethnic or regional) support. Your current browser may not support copying via this button. It may be good to note, as a preliminary, that African political systems of the past dis played considerable variety. Fitzpatrick 'Traditionalism and Traditional Law' Journal of African Law, Vol. The population in the traditional system thus faces a vicious cycle of deprivation. However, three countries, Botswana, Somaliland, and South Africa, have undertaken differing measures with varying levels of success. This we might call transformative resilience.21. Traditional affairs. Traditional institutions already adjudicate undisclosed but large proportions of rural disputes. Relatively unfettered access to the internet via smart phones and laptops brings informationand hence potential powerto individuals and groups about all kinds of things: e.g., market prices, the views of relatives in the diaspora, conditions in the country next door, and the self-enrichment of corrupt officials. Ethiopias monarchy ended in 1974 while the other three remain, with only the king of Swaziland enjoying absolute power. Against this backdrop, where is African governance headed? media system, was concerned with the more systematized dissemination of information between the traditional administrative organ and the people (subjects). Interestingly, small and mid-size state leaders have won the award so far.) As a result, customary law, which often is not recognized by the state or is recognized only when it does not contradict the constitution, does not protect communities from possible transgressions by the state. Long-standing kingdoms such as those in Morocco and Swaziland are recognized national states. This outline leads us to examine more closely the sources of legitimacy in African governance systems. The guiding principle behind these two attributes is that conflict is a societal problem and that resolving conflict requires societal engagement. In this context the chapter further touches on the compatibility of the institution of chieftaincy with constitutional principles such as equality, accountability, natural justice, good governance, and respect for fundamental human rights. During the colonial period, "tribe" was used to identify specific cultural and political groups in much the same way as "nation" is defined above. Greater access to public services and to productivity-enhancing technology would also help in enhancing the transformation of the subsistence sector. Most African countries have yet to develop carefully considered strategies of how to reconcile their fragmented institutional systems. 1. This brief essay began by identifying the state-society gap as the central challenge for African governance. African indigenous education was. The jury is still out on the merits of this practice. Indeed, it should be added that a high percentage of todays conflicts are recurrences of previous ones, often in slightly modified form with parties that may organize under more than one flag. The roles that traditional authorities can play in the process of good governance can broadly be separated into three categories: first, their advisory role to government, as well as their participatory role in the administration of regions and districts; second, their developmental role, complementing government?s efforts in mobilizing the . 7. A second attribute is the participatory decision-making system. 1. Hindrance to democratization: Perhaps among the most important challenges institutional fragmentation poses is to the process of democratization. . At times, these traditional security system elements are sufficient enough for some uses, but there's certainly no denying . It is unlikely, however, that such harmony can be brought about by measures that aim to abolish the traditional system, as was attempted by some countries in the aftermath of decolonization. Challenges confronting the institution of chieftaincy have continued from the colonial era into recent times. Integration of traditional and modern governance systems in Africa. A partial explanation as to why the traditional systems endure was given in the section Why African Traditional Institutions Endure. The argument in that section was that they endure primarily because they are compatible with traditional economic systems, under which large segments of the African population still operate. West Africa has a long and complex history. Chieftaincy is further plagued with its own internal problems, including issues of relevance, succession, patriarchy, jurisdiction, corruption and intra-tribal conflict. In general, decentralized political systems, which are often elder-based with group leadership, have received little attention, even though these systems are widespread and have the institutions of judicial systems and mechanisms of conflict resolution and allocation of resources, like the institutions of the centralized systems. Department of Political Science, Pennsylvania State University, United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, Contentious Politics and Political Violence, Political Values, Beliefs, and Ideologies, Why African Traditional Institutions Endure, Authority Systems of Africas Traditional Institutions, Relevance and Paradox of Traditional Institutions, https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1347, United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Africa, Global Actors: Networks, Elites, and Institutions, Traditional Leaders and Development in Africa. But the context in which their choices are made is directly influenced by global political trends and the room for maneuver that these give to individual governments and their leaders. The Ibo village assembly in eastern Nigeria, the Eritrean village Baito (assembly), the council of elders (kiama) of the Kikuyu in Kenya, and the kaya elders of the Mijikenda in the coast of Kenya are among well-known examples where decisions are largely made in a consensual manner of one kind or another (Andemariam, 2017; Mengisteab, 2003).
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